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The Cost Of Widowhood In Igboland Is Very High

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The Cost Of Widowhood In Igbo Land | Fab.ng

In some parts of Igbo land, there used to be customs about how widows mourned their husbands. These practices, which could involve periods of seclusion, weren’t always easy for women. That is why many people would refer to it as “the cost of widowhood.”

In some places, like Nimbo in Enugu State, it could take a whole year after a king’s burial for his wife to start living normally again. In Anambra, widows might spend nearly two years secluded and even go without bathing for long periods.

Thankfully, things have changed in many areas thanks to the spread of Christianity. Now, it’s more common for widows to be shaved soon after their husband’s funeral and then get back to their lives after a period of mourning. The length of that time can vary depending on the local customs and traditions of the people.

It’s important to remember that these customs aren’t practised everywhere in Igbo land, and even where they are, they may have changed over time. Today, the focus is on supporting widows through their grief and helping them reintegrate into their communities.

Let’s take a look at the following Eastern states and what “the cost of widowhood” is like in these places:

Anambra

In some communities in Anambra, to ease tensions over widowhood practices, certain measures have been adopted. For instance, in communities where a man leaves multiple wives, rather than the late man’s brothers scrambling for them, each male child of their mothers gives a cock to his own mother to act as “her husband” until death. This has reduced tensions over the late brother’s wives.

However, a contentious issue persists between the church and the community regarding the dust-to-dust burial rite. In the Catholic Diocese of Awka, objections arise when women are required to pour sand into the graves of their husbands, as per church tradition.

The community fears that this act may bind the widow to the late husband, potentially leading to consequences for any man involved with the widow. Despite interventions, the disagreement persists.

Widowhood in Igboland - Five Things You Need To Know - AnaedoOnline

The Catholic Church insists that the dust-to-dust ritual is optional and not forced on anyone, only for Catholic adherents who request it. The community contends that the church is violating local customs, and the church argues for its right to perform the rite at the request of its members.

In Onitsha and neighbouring communities, widowhood practices for Christians and non-Christians have similarities. The mandatory mourning period, wake-keeping, and lying-in-state have been reduced or abolished in some places to minimise contact with the deceased’s remains, curb disease spread, and ease the hardships faced by survivors.

Cases of maltreatment of widows, including denial of rights, physical assault, and property seizure, persist in some areas of this state. These issues are typically resolved through the intervention of family unions, kindred, village councils, or town unions.

Prevention of widows from participating in burial ceremonies

In some places, if a wife and husband weren’t living together due to big fights, divorce, or other bad things before the husband died, she might not be allowed at his funeral ceremony.

This can also happen if the wife is blamed for doing something terrible and needs to go through special rituals before joining the ceremony.

Oath-taking and covenant

In some communities, if a woman is accused of wrongdoing, especially related to her husband’s death, she might be asked to perform rituals or take oaths to prove her innocence.

For Christian women, this might involve swearing to the Bible. For others, it could involve drinking water used to bathe the corpse or even touching the body directly.

These practices are based on the belief that if a woman is truly guilty, she will suffer misfortune or even die within a certain time. If she remains unharmed, she’s considered innocent, and those who accused her might face consequences.

It’s important to remember that these traditions are complex and vary greatly within different communities. This is just a simplified explanation, and it’s important to respect different cultural beliefs and practices, even if they seem unfamiliar.

Also, it’s crucial to note that these practices can be harmful and exploitative, especially when they involve coercion, pressure, or potential health risks. It’s important to promote understanding and respect while also advocating for the protection of individuals from harmful traditional practices.

Abia

Life for widows in Abia can be tough. Though the mourning period has shortened to 3-6 months in most communities, accessing their husband’s property remains a big issue. Many are pushed out of their homes or denied inheritance.

Churches like the Anglican Communion, through Bishop Nwosu, strongly condemn this maltreatment and offer support through housing, prayers, and even business grants for vulnerable widows.

For this, men are advised to choose legal marriages, where Wills protect inheritance rights. However, Abia currently lacks a specific law protecting widows.

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Young widow shares the 'inhumane' treatment she was subjected to after losing her husband at 23 [VIDEO] - BarristerNG.com

Enugu

In Enugu, mourning traditions for widows vary greatly across communities. Some practices have softened over time, reflecting changing beliefs and the influence of Christianity.

In Imufu Community, men and women mourn for only one month, thanks to the progressive leadership of a former chief who challenged the longer periods common elsewhere.

Ezeagu Local Government Area is where widows of prestigious “Ozo” title holders face stricter customs. They’re confined to secret rooms for two weeks, served by female virgins, and undergo cleansing rituals before rejoining the community.

In the Nimbo Community, it is a unique case. Nimbo buries its kings after seven years, leading to extended mourning periods for their widows, who remain secluded for eight years.

While some areas like Nimbo hold firmly to tradition, Christianity has brought changes in others. Black mourning attire has shifted to white in many communities, and mourning periods have shortened. In Olo, even the “Ozo” tradition has adapted to Christian values.

Some communities are addressing the exploitation of widows. Town Unions work to uphold social justice, protecting widows from property grabs based on outdated customs.

While progress is evident, challenges remain. Widows in Ibagwa Ani are still pressured to marry relatives of their deceased husbands, and Lejja sees mourning periods ranging from six months to a year.

The story of widows in Enugu highlights the complex interplay of tradition, religion, and evolving social values. While harmful practices persist in some areas, others demonstrate a commendable willingness to adapt and prioritize the well-being of widows.

Imo

The widowhood practice in the southeastern part of Nigeria, particularly in Imo State, is still prevalent and has become more sophisticated and severe over time. The tradition originated from historical practices and was often imposed on women suspected of causing their husband’s death. It served as a severe punishment for women perceived as irresponsible, wayward, or disrespectful to their husbands, families, or community traditions.

In some cases, even if a man had a harmonious relationship with his wife, people might still claim that the woman used diabolical means to control her late husband, adding a bizarre aspect to the practice. The belief is that no man is considered to have died a natural death; some factors are always linked to his demise.

The absence of a written constitution specifying the rules and limits of the practice results in variations across communities in Imo State.

Common practices include forcing widows to bathe with floodwater, water from traditional receptacles, or any available dirty water. This is done to symbolize the devaluation of the woman’s pride, represented by her late husband. Married and single women are typically responsible for carrying out this ritual.

Widows are also subjected to eating restrictions, using disused or disfigured plastic plates considered suitable for feeding dogs. They are prohibited from eating with others, and their cutlery differs from those used by everyone else. These practices contribute to the complexity and harshness of the widowhood tradition in the region.

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ARTS & CULTURE

Why Ancient Africans Were Naked And Didn’t Care About “Decency”

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Why Ancient Africans Were Naked And Didn't Care... | fab.ng

In understanding why ancient Africans were naked, it’s essential to consider the practical and cultural factors. The hot climate in many regions, particularly West Africa, made full clothing impractical, leading people to adopt minimal attire.

Additionally, why ancient Africans were naked also ties into the normalcy of nudity in their societies; it was not seen as indecent but rather as a natural part of life.

Moreover, why ancient Africans were naked often related to social customs where clothing was reserved for specific ceremonies or status indicators.

As colonial influences grew, European ideals of modesty reshaped these traditional practices. Nevertheless, understanding why ancient Africans were naked would highlight a deeper connection to their environment, social norms, and identity.

Nigeria’s First Lady, Remi Tinubu, asserts that “nakedness is not in our culture,” reflecting a modern interpretation of cultural values. However, historical evidence reveals that the concept of clothing and nudity in Africa was much more complex and diverse.

Let’s take a detailed look at some of the historical reasons ancient Africans were naked and didn’t care…

1. Clothing in Hot Weather

In ancient African societies, especially in regions like West Africa, the hot and humid climate made it impractical to wear heavy or fully covered clothing.

People adapted to their environment by wearing minimal clothing to stay cool. Women typically wore wrappers around their waists or occasionally over their chests, while men donned aprons or loincloths.

Full-body coverings were rare and often reserved for specific occasions or elder members of the community. The emphasis was on comfort and practicality rather than modesty.

2. Nudity Was Culturally Normal

Contrary to the notion that nudity was taboo, many African cultures viewed it as entirely normal and even symbolic. This acceptance of nudity is reflected in the art of the time, where sculptures, carvings, and masks often depicted the human form in its natural state.

These representations were not considered indecent but rather celebrated as part of the human experience.

Furthermore, even today, several traditional festivals in Nigeria and South Africa feature women participating in rituals while partially or fully nude, emphasizing that nudity was a culturally accepted practice in certain contexts.

3. Ceremonial and Symbolic Clothing

In ancient African societies, clothing was less about everyday modesty and more about symbolism and status. Dress codes were used to indicate social class, gender, or cultural identity.

Jewellery, headgear, and specific garments were reserved for elders, chiefs, or individuals of higher status, while everyday clothing remained minimal for the general population.

During ceremonies such as weddings, people would wear elaborate attire that covered more of their bodies, but this was primarily for symbolic reasons rather than for modesty in daily interactions.

Colonial Influence on African Clothing Norms

The introduction of European colonial rule brought drastic changes to how Africans viewed clothing. Europeans, with their Christian ideals of modesty, often regarded African practices of minimal clothing or nudity as barbaric.

They imposed their standards of dress as part of their broader civilizing mission. This was particularly targeted at women, who were often sexualized and criticized for their traditional attire, or lack thereof.

From the 15th century onwards, as Europeans increased trade and colonization, they brought new fabrics, styles, and notions of modesty. Indigenous African attire evolved, incorporating textiles like cotton, wool, raffia, and later, wax prints.

These wax prints, now synonymous with African fashion (commonly known as Ankara), were not originally African but were influenced by the Dutch colonization of Indonesia in the 19th century.

Africans embraced these textiles and adapted them to fit their cultural identity, eventually making them integral to modern African fashion.

In Conclusion…

Today’s perspectives often emphasize modesty as an intrinsic cultural value. However, historical evidence shows that ancient Africans had a much more fluid and practical approach to clothing.

For them, attire was primarily about status, identity, and specific ceremonies, not necessarily about covering the body for decency.

The shift towards the modern view of modesty largely came about due to colonial influences, which reshaped traditional practices to align with Western standards.

So, while the First Lady’s statement aligns with current societal norms, it doesn’t entirely reflect the historical diversity of African clothing practices.

As it is understood today, the notion of modesty is a relatively recent development influenced by colonialism and the spread of Christianity and Islam across the continent.

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ARTS & CULTURE

Here’s The Interesting Story Behind The Word “Boycott”

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Captain Charles Boycott: Story Behind The Word "Boycott" | fab.ng

The term “boycott” is now widely used to describe organized acts of protest where people refuse to engage with a company, product, or country as a form of pressure. While it’s globally accepted today, the word’s origin is surprisingly interesting. It traces back to a British land agent named Captain Charles Boycott.

Who was Captain Charles Boycott?

Captain Charles Boycott, a British land agent working for Lord Erne, a wealthy landowner in Ireland, played a key role in this term’s origin.

In the late 1800s, Ireland was under British rule, and tensions between British landlords and Irish tenant farmers were high.

Many tenant farmers faced unfair practices, including high rents and frequent evictions, especially during economic hardship or crop failures.

In 1880, a year marked by poor harvests, tenant farmers struggled to pay their rent and had no option but to request rent reductions. They hoped their landlords would understand their difficult situation and offer some relief. However, things didn’t go as they had anticipated.

The Conflict with Captain Boycott

In September 1880, tenants on one of Lord Erne’s estates approached Captain Boycott. They asked for reduced rents to help them survive the economic downturn.

To their disappointment, Boycott refused to grant their request and proceeded to evict tenants who couldn’t pay. This response seemed especially harsh, considering the widespread poverty at the time. Consequently, the community decided it was time to take a stand.

Irish politician Charles Stewart Parnell proposed a unique form of resistance at this critical moment. Rather than resorting to violence, he suggested a strategy of social ostracism as a way to protest.

Inspired by his advice, tenants and the entire community began to ignore Captain Boycott entirely. Workers on the estate refused to labour in the fields, local shops stopped serving him, and even the local postman refused to deliver his mail.

The Spread of the ‘Boycott’

The community’s collective action against Boycott escalated quickly, leaving him unable to find anyone willing to harvest the crops on Lord Erne’s estate.

Desperate to salvage the situation, Boycott hired workers from other parts of Ireland, but they required military protection due to hostility from the locals.

This effort became so costly that it far exceeded the value of the crops, highlighting the effectiveness of the community’s stand against unfair treatment.

The unprecedented event attracted significant media coverage. Soon, newspapers across Britain and Ireland began using the term “boycott”. They use it to describe the community’s collective refusal to interact with Boycott.

As news spread, “boycott” rapidly entered the English language as a term for nonviolent resistance through social or economic exclusion.

This form of protest, now known as ‘boycotting’, gained traction far beyond Ireland. It became a powerful tool for people worldwide to stand against injustice.

Captain Charles Boycott died long ago, but people still use his name when they use the term ‘boycott’. It symbolises the power of organized social resistance.

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ARTS & CULTURE

Here’s The Tallest Building In Nigeria

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The Tallest Building In Nigeria | fab.ng

The tallest buildings often shape a city’s skyline, and Lagos, Nigeria’s bustling metropolis, proudly showcases this in its towering structures. Rising above the city, the tallest building in Nigeria, NECOM House, dominates the landscape with its impressive height and unique silhouette.

This iconic landmark, visible from miles away, has not only stood the test of time but continues to represent Lagos’s architectural identity and economic progress.

As the tallest building in Nigeria, NECOM House remains a powerful symbol of the country’s ambitions, offering a historical perspective amidst a modernizing skyline.

Indeed, the tallest building in Nigeria serves as both a structural feat and a testament to the city’s vibrant growth and resilience.

The Tallest Building in Nigeria

NECOM House, previously known as the NITEL Tower and NET Building, proudly holds the title of Nigeria’s tallest building. This impressive structure reaches a height of 160 meters (525 feet) and spans 32 floors, symbolizing Nigeria’s bold architectural pursuits of the 1970s.

Completed in 1979, NECOM House embodied Nigeria’s rapid economic growth and met the country’s telecommunications needs in an era of modernization.

Positioned strategically in Lagos, this towering building served as a hub for telecommunications and broadcasting and also rose high enough to function as a lighthouse beacon for Lagos Harbor—a unique feature among skyscrapers.

At its completion, NECOM House claimed the title of the tallest building in West Africa.

British architects Nickson and Borys designed it with a reinforced concrete frame that represented cutting-edge engineering for high-rise buildings of that time. The Costain Group, a prominent construction company, executed the project, incorporating a mast capable of supporting the heavy telecommunication and broadcasting equipment essential for Nigeria’s expanding communications network.

Despite its impressive stature and engineering, NECOM House has encountered challenges over the years. In 1983, a fire broke out on the upper floors, damaging offices and equipment. However, the building’s robust construction preserved its structural integrity, underscoring its resilience.

After extensive repairs and reinforcements, NECOM House resumed its role as a landmark of Nigeria’s architectural heritage, standing as a testament to the country’s determination and growth.

A Changing Skyline

Although NECOM House remains a significant landmark, Nigeria’s skyline continues to evolve with the development of newer and taller buildings. Notably, Lagos’s emerging financial district, Eko Atlantic, hosts the Champagne Pearl, a 34-floor skyscraper built in 2017.

However, at 134 meters (440 feet), it still falls short of NECOM House’s impressive height. As the city’s skyline grows, NECOM House maintains a unique place in Nigeria’s architectural and historical landscape. Also, it captures the spirit of a generation that sought to make a mark on the world stage.

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